Government violations
- The government kept any information about the investigation from the defense for nearly nine months, revealing it only five weeks before trial.
- The government did not disclose much of what was in the Complaint against the agents, including that two federal law enforcement agents involved in the Silk Road investigation were corrupt. It is clear from this Complaint that fundamentally the government’s investigation of Silk Road lacked any integrity, and was wholly and fatally compromised from the inside.
- The defense was prevented from independently investigating the corruption, including subpoenaing Force to testify at trial. The defense also filed numerous discovery requests, to which the government refused to respond.
- The defense was prevented from using other evidence from discovery not related to the corruption, with the sealed information used as justification.
- The government did not disclose until after the trial the charges against Shaun Bridges, despite the fact that he was the computer forensics expert on the Baltimore investigation.
- The government insisted the charges of corruption must be kept sealed because knowledge of it would compromise the investigation. Yet, the agents had known for months that they were under investigation and had already been interviewed by law enforcement! Consequently, the only apparent reason to keep it secret was to deprive Ross of “the use of the information, and to deny him Due Process, his Sixth Amendment rights to Compulsory Process, effective assistance of counsel and, ultimately, a fair trial.”
- When the defense requested that trial be delayed until after the investigation, which was nearing completion, prosecutors refused, invoking “the people’s right to a speedy trial.”
- Throughout Ross’s trial the government repeatedly used the secret nature of the grand jury investigation as an excuse to preclude valuable defense evidence. This evidence was not only produced in discovery, but was independent of the Force investigation or only at best tenuously related to it. Consequently, the government deprived the jury of essential facts, and Ross of due process.
- The prosecution stymied the defense at every turn during trial when the defense tried to introduce favorable evidence. It repeatedly used the secret nature of the grand jury investigation as an excuse to preclude valuable evidence that was produced in discovery, independent of the investigation of Force, and was only tenuously related to that investigation at best. Consequently, the government deprived the jury of essential facts, and Ross of due process.
The government’s considerable efforts at keeping this monumental scandal from being aired at Ross Ulbricht’s trial is itself scandalous.
In addition to:
- Keeping any information about the investigation from the defense for nearly nine months;
- then revealing it only five weeks prior to trial;
- then moving to keep sealed and secret the general underlying information so that Mr. Ulbricht could not use it in his defense at trial;
- then stymying the defense at every turn during trial when the defense tried to introduce favorable evidence;
the government had also:
- refused to agree to the defense’s request to adjourn the trial until after the indictment was returned and made public – a modest adjournment of a couple of months, since it was apparent that the investigation was nearing a conclusion.
- Throughout Mr. Ulbricht’s trial the government repeatedly used the secret nature of the grand jury investigation as an excuse to preclude valuable defense evidence that was not only produced in discovery, independent of the investigation of Mr. Force, but also which was only at best tenuously related to that investigation. In that manner the government deprived the jury of essential facts, and Mr. Ulbricht of due process.
- In addition, the government failed to disclose previously much of what is in the Complaint, including that two federal law enforcement agents involved in the Silk Road investigation were corrupt. It is clear from this Complaint that fundamentally the government’s investigation of Mr. Ulbricht lacked any integrity, and was wholly and fatally compromised from the inside.
- Also, it is clear that Mr. Force and others within the government obtained access to the administrative platforms of the Silk Road site, where they were able to commandeer accounts and had the capacity to change PIN numbers and other aspects of the site – all without the government’s knowledge of what precisely they did with that access.
- In light of the information provided in the Complaint, it is now apparent to all just how relevant some of the issues raised by the defense at trial were, including:
- The payment by Dread Pirate Roberts to a law enforcement agent for information about the investigation;
- The ramping up of the investigation of Mr. Ulbricht in mid-2013, soon after that paid information began flowing;
- The creation of certain evidence at trial, such as the 2013 journal that conveniently begins – again – in Spring 2013, after the corruption alleged in this Complaint ripened.
- As the evidence at trial – particularly from the government’s law enforcement witnesses – demonstrated, the Baltimore investigation and agents were inextricably involved in the evolution of the case and the evidence, as well as with alerting Mark Karpeles that he was under investigation, and meeting with his lawyers and exchanging information.
- At Mr. Ulbricht’s trial, knowing full well the corruption alleged in the Complaint made public today, the government still aggressively precluded much of that evidence, and kept it from the jury (and had other similar evidence stricken from the record).
- Consequently, the government improperly used the ongoing grand jury process in San Francisco as both a sword and a shield to deny Mr. Ulbricht access to and use of important evidence, and a fair trial.
- In addition, the government not only precluded use of the information at trial, even if it emanated from independent sources such as discovery, but the government also prevented the defense from conducting any independent investigation, including subpoenaing Mr. Force to testify at trial. The defense also filed numerous discovery requests, to which the government refused to respond.
Tip of the Iceberg?
To this day it is unknown to what extent Force and Bridges compromised the Silk Road website.
The government has not produced or confirmed the full range of communications and/or relationship between Force and Bridges with DPR or anyone else involved in the Silk Road site (via Silk Road Forum, private messaging, Tor chat, Pidgin chat or any system). In addition, a large number of the agents’ emails remain encrypted, as the government did not make it a stipulation of their plea offer that the agents turn over the key to decrypt the emails.
Is this the tip of the iceberg? Still unknown, in addition to the numerous encrypted emails, are the contents of the still-sealed paragraph in the Force Complaint. The Complaint notes that it “does not include certain additional facts.”
According to the defense: “The complete scope of what former SA’s Force and Bridges were able to accomplish with the illicit access they gained to the Silk Road website, and its impact on this case, has yet to be determined.”
Appeal Overview
On January 12, 2016, attorney Joshua Dratel filed an appeal with the Second Circuit Court of Appeals on behalf of Ross. Unlike a trial court, there are no witnesses, evidence or jury in an appellate court. Appellate courts do not rehear the case, but rather focus on questions of law, and if it was upheld and applied correctly.
Ross’s appeal is an important document, not only because it defends one citizen’s due process rights, but by doing so also defends the rights of us all. The right to a fair trial is protected by the Sixth Amendment of the Bill of Rights and is essential to a free country. The defense argues that Ross was denied this right.
The appeal is 170 pages long, more than twice the length of a normal appeal. Ross’ lawyers say there were many more issues they could have included, but the court wouldn’t accept a longer document. Summing it up, the appeal says: All the evidence against Ulbricht “was permeated by corruption of two law enforcement agents participating in the investigation, the restrictions on cross-examination, and preclusion of expert witnesses offered to overcome those restrictions” and that all that “eviscerated Ulbricht’s defense and denied him a fair trial.”
4th Amendment Violations
The 4th Amendment
One of the most important parts of the appeal addresses a violation of the Fourth amendment and how it applies to the digital age. This foundational law guards our privacy from government intrusion and is essential to living a free life. It asserts the right of people to be secure in “their persons, houses, papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures.” It requires that warrants specifically describe what is to be searched and seized. It is unconstitutional for the government to rummage through property without meeting this particularity requirement. Yet there were no particularity limits in the warrants used in Ross’s case.
Illegal warrants
The appeal, and an amicus brief submitted by the National Assn. of Criminal Defense Lawyers and joined by the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF), argues that the government did not obtain proper warrants in pursuing the Silk Road investigation. Instead law enforcement used general warrants to seize Ross’s laptop, Gmail and Facebook accounts. A general warrant lacks specificity and permits unlimited rummaging through private information and property. It is a fishing expedition to see what can be found. This is the type of warrant abhorred by the Framers; was a driving force behind the American Revolution; and inspired the Fourth Amendment.
Joshua Dratel argues that “Rather than require the government to establish probable cause in advance of reviewing categories of electronic data, they would license the government to examine every file to assure that probable cause to seize it did not exist. Any more dramatic or patent example of the “rummaging” could not be envisioned, yet that is what the government has done in this case with respect to Ulbricht’s laptop and Gmail and Facebook accounts.”
Digital vs. Physical
If government agents had searched and seized Ross’s file cabinet or desk, a general warrant would have been clearly unconstitutional. But because it was a laptop containing digital material, the prosecution maintains that it was not protected. Yet most of us keep our lives on our laptops and phones. In addition to documents, it is a gateway to medical, financial and other accounts, as well as browsing history providing a digital road map to one’s interests, inquiries, purchases, and communications. A laptop is a file cabinet on steroids.
Through the Silk Road case the government is saying that, because we use laptops and cell phones instead of letters and landlines must surrender our right to privacy. It is saying that the Fourth Amendment is obsolete because we keep our personal information in digital form. The defense argued against this, but the judge sided with the prosecution and precedent has been set, at least at the trial court level. The decision was reached despite a decade of Supreme Court decisions—such as Riley v. California, United States v. Jones, and Kyllo v. United States—that clearly acknowledge the importance of Fourth Amendment protections of digital information and devices.
Tracking Devices
The appeal also says that the pen register and trap-and-trace orders violated the Fourth Amendment because, rather than by a warrant based on probable cause, they were implemented by court order. So there were no warrants. “While ostensibly a pen-trap reveals only identifying information, these pen-traps had an ulterior purpose: to track Ulbricht’s internet activity and his physical location, in an effort to connect him with access to the administrative section of the Silk Road Servers at particular times on particular date,” the appeal says (p. 127). That purpose extends well beyond what is permissible for a pen-trap.
Suppression of Evidence
Rogue agents
Approximately two months after Ross was convicted, it was revealed that two federal agents at DHS Baltimore had been under investigation for nine months for stealing and extorting funds from Silk Road, among other crimes. One of them, DEA agent Carl Mark Force, was the lead undercover agent in Maryland and at the core of the Silk Road investigation. He and Secret Service agent Shaun Bridges have now pleaded guilty to a massive corruption scheme.
Keys to the Kingdom
These agents are computer experts and had high-level access to administrative functions of Silk Road, basically the keys to the kingdom. They had the power to change aspects of the site; gain access to administrator platforms and passwords; to change PIN numbers and commandeer accounts, including that of DPR. They also had the means to manipulate logs, chats, private messages, keys, posts, account information and bank accounts.
Shhh…don’t tell the jury
Of course this is shocking. But even more outrageous is that the defense learned some of this information only five weeks before trial and was blocked by the court from referring to it at trial, as it was under seal pending completion of the investigation. Bridges’ existence was not even made known to the defense until after trial.
The defense requested that trial be postponed until the investigation concluded so that the entire story could be presented to the jury. The court’s reasoning for denying this request: Ross has the right to a speedy trial!
The prosecution’s argument to preclude this vital information from trial was that revealing it to the jury would impede the ongoing investigation of the agents. The defense learned after trial that the agents were aware that they were under investigation at the time, and had been for months. The investigation would not have been impeded.
Evidence tainted
We believe this corruption casts doubt on much of the evidence gathered by the government and raises questions about all aspects of the investigation. Yet it was kept under seal during the trial, depriving the jury of essential facts, and Ross of due process and a fair trial. Even now, with the agents in prison, the extent of the corruption is not known. The government has not revealed all the evidence and many of the agents’ emails remain encrypted.
Suspicious
In addition, agent Carl Mark Force played the single biggest role in the most damning accusations leveled against Ross: allegedly organizing a murder (which never occurred). The government did not charge Ross with this at trial, but it has remained an indictment in Maryland for over two years and has not been proven at trial. Maryland is where the corrupt agents were operating. It was also relied on heavily in the New York trial and at sentencing, despite being uncharged and unproven. This is challenged in an amicus brief submitted by Drug Policy Alliance; former federal judge Nancy Gertner; Law Enforcement Against Prohibition; and JustLeadership USA.
Reasonable doubt
Because the jury was not allowed to know about the corrupt agents and their unrestrained access to the site and evidence, and because it would have cast reasonable doubt on Ross’s guilt, the appeal states that evidence against Ross “was permeated by corruption of two law enforcement agents participating in the investigation, the restrictions on cross-examination, and preclusion of expert witnesses offered to overcome those restrictions” and that all that “eviscerated Ulbricht’s defense and denied him a fair trial.”
The Double Life Sentence
Double life + 40 years
Although a life sentence, especially for drug trafficking, is rare in the federal system, Ross was sentenced to double life in prison without parole plus 40 years. It was for the following non-violent crimes: Distribution of Narcotics by Means of the Internet; Continuing Criminal Enterprise; Conspiracy to Commit and Aid and Abet Computer Hacking; Conspiracy to Traffic in Fraudulent Identity Documents; and Money Laundering Conspiracy. These are all non-violent charges for a first-time offender.
The appeal rightly states that this sentence “shocks the conscience,” and that Judge Forrest was “procedurally and substantively unreasonable and thereby violated Ulbricht’s Fifth Amendment right to Due Process.”
Unsubstantiated and Unproven
It also points out that the judge relied heavily on unsubstantiated and unproven allegations of overdose deaths connected to Silk Road, stating that “the deaths, in some way, related to Silk Road.” These allegations were never mentioned at trial, and were based on what the appeal calls an “entirely subjective, undefined and unprecedented standard.” The judge ignored a pathology report which said the accusations were “incomplete, unreliable and inaccurate.” Yet , according to United States v. Pugliese, in order to ensure that a defendant’s right to due process at sentencing is just, “a sentencing court must assure itself that the information upon which it relies when fixing sentence is reliable and accurate.”
In addition to ignoring the expert forensic pathologist, the judge punished Ross in a way that even those who sell illegal drugs are not. The Court did not cite a single case – despite the defense’s challenge to the government – where even those who manage large tangible drug organizations are sentenced based on overdose deaths that are not part of the charges, much less any as weak and unproven as these.
It is interesting to note that the government had seized and controlled the Silk Road server in June, 2013, after which two of these people died. Does this make them responsible for those deaths too?
Double standard
The appeal also points out that this sentence created a “grotesque disparity.” Indeed, two vendors on Silk Road whose charges, unlike Ross’, were selling heroin and other drugs (one the leading seller on the site, got 10 years and the largest cocaine seller on the site got 5 years). were spared any liability for overdose deaths at sentencing. “Although they cooperated with the government, the disparity between their sentences and Ulbricht’s cannot be rationalized by that factor alone,” the appeal states.
In addition, Peter Nash, a forum moderator and administrator on Silk Road when the site had its highest volume of sales, was given “time served” –a 17-month sentence– even though he had a mandatory minimum of 10 years. Although Nash was involved with the site when five of the six deaths occurred, this did not factor in his sentencing.
Dratel also referenced the Sentencing Reform Act, which requires that the judge impose a sentence that is “sufficient, but not greater than necessary.” The court never offered any reason why the draconian sentence was necessary. This act was passed by Congress to provide fairness in sentencing and avoid disparities among defendants with similar charges. An extremely harsh sentence like this, far beyond the norm, is what this act of Congress was created to avoid.
“A judicial system that eschews compassion runs counter to all legal, as well as religious and social doctrine,“ Dratel said.
Rejected by judge
Citing more reasons why the sentence was substantively unreasonable, the appeal points out that the judge ignored the 99 (now 100) letters submitted to the court, speaking of the positive contributions Ulbricht has made, and could make in the future if given a reasonable sentence.
In addition to her rejecting the expertise of the forensic pathologist, Judge Forrest also ignored the empirical, academic and practical research presented in Ross’s sentencing submission, although some of that research was about Silk Road specifically, and its harm reduction effects on the drug culture. Instead she defaulted to the outdated and failed claim that more incarceration is the solution, even though courts, politicians and policy-makers now reject this. The judge also rejected all the studies presented to her, saying that general deterrence is illusory and should not be a factor, much less used as a basis for a life sentence.
According to the appeal, “The illusory nature of general deterrence clearly holds true for internet drug sales, given that they skyrocketed after Ulbricht’s arrest and even after his conviction. A1027-29. Again, even if there were some deterrent effect, the Court failed to provide any basis for a life sentence as necessary. Resort to general deterrence without any confining principles – some standard, some comparative analysis – guarantees that it will create disparity that is immeasurable and inequitable.
Not accused of drug dealing
The appeal also points out that Ross is not accused of selling drugs. “Even assuming his guilt (for purposes of sentencing) he created an internet platform that enabled others to do so, and thus, the proper analogy would be to a landlord who knowingly leases space and collects rent and utility payments from tenants whom he knows sell drugs from the premises (and even whom he markets to). There is a federal statute punishing that conduct – 21 U.S.C. §856, the “crack house” law – and the maximum sentence is 20 years’ imprisonment.
Shocks the conscience
“In this case, it was also unconscionable. The life sentence imposed on 30-year old Ross Ulbricht “shocks the conscience” – or at the very least “stirs it” – and is therefore substantively unreasonable. Accordingly, Ulbricht should be resentenced before a different judge to avoid the irremediable taint from the improper factors the Court considered.
“Accordingly, Ulbricht’s life sentence should be vacated and he should be remanded to a different judge for resentencing without the alleged overdose deaths as a factor at sentencing.”