(Nov 9, 1910 – Jan 3, 1977) Born in Boston, attended Harvard University, studied history and earned B.A, M.A., and Ph.D. degrees. He taught at Princeton University, and then at Harvard, and then at the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University from 1941 to 1976. After being invited to be the historian for the New World Order conspirators, he produced (much to their dismay) the epic history Tragedy and Hope, an expose of the US deep state. This book was a powerful influence on an older generation of truth seekers, including John Taylor Gatto, Cleon Skousen, Gary Allen, Jim Marrs, and many others. It was suppressed and therefore hard to find for many years. Bill Clinton named Quigley as an important influence on his aspirations and political philosophy when launching his presidential campaign in a 1991 speech at Georgetown.
From 1941 until 1969, he taught a two-semester course at Georgetown on the development of civilizations. According to the obituary in the Washington Star, many alumni of Georgetown’s School of Foreign Service asserted that this was “the most influential course in their undergraduate careers”.
In addition to his academic work, Quigley served as a consultant to the U.S. Department of Defense, the U.S. Navy, the Smithsonian Institution, and the House Select Committee on Astronautics and Space Exploration in the 1950s. Quigley served as a book reviewer for the Washington Star and was a contributor and editorial board member of Current History. His work emphasized “inclusive diversity” as a value of Western Civilization long before diversity became commonplace, and he denounced Platonic doctrines as an especially pernicious deviation from this ideal, preferring the pluralism of Thomas Aquinas. Quigley said of himself that he was a conservative defending the liberal tradition of the West. He was an early and fierce critic of the Vietnam War, and he was against the activities of the military-industrial complex which he saw as the future downfall of the country.
The Harvard-educated history professor wrote a handful of books that help us understand who is really running things, and what exactly they are trying to achieve. Unfortunately, the answers are very disturbing, especially to those who’ve accepted the common myths of “democratic government.”
In Quigley’s work we discover that national constitutions are routinely undermined by the leaders who are elected to defend them. We learn that “all social instruments tend to become institutions,” regardless of their benevolent origin, and, from that point forward, the institution is run for the benefit of those who control it (at the expense of its original purpose).
Perhaps most unsettling, Quigley reveals that real power operates behind the scenes, in secrecy, and with little to fear from so-called democratic elections. He proves that conspiracies, secret societies, and small, powerful networks of individuals are not only real; they’re extremely effective at creating or destroying entire nations and shaping the world as a whole. We learn that “representative government” is, at best, a carefully managed con game.
Since these disturbing truths contradict nearly everything our government, education system, and media have taught us to believe, many will immediately dismiss them as nonsense. “Only wild-eyed conspiracy theorists believe such things,” they will say. However, there is one big problem: Carroll Quigley was no “wild-eyed conspiracy theorist.” Quite the contrary, Quigley was a prominent historian who specialized in studying the evolution of civilizations as well as secret societies.
Quigley was a well-connected and well-credentialed member of Ivy League society. Based on his own words, and his training as a historian, it appears that he was chosen by members of a secret network to write the real history of their rise to power. However, as Quigley later realized, these individuals did not expect or intend for him to publish their secrets for the rest of the world to see. Shortly after publishing Tragedy and Hope in 1966, “the Network” apparently made its displeasure known to Quigley’s publisher, and the book he’d spent twenty years writing was pulled from the market. As Quigley recounts:
The original edition published by Macmillan in 1966 sold about 8800 copies and sales were picking up in 1968 when they “ran out of stock,” as they told me (but in 1974, when I went after them with a lawyer, they told me that they had destroyed the plates in 1968). They lied to me for six years, telling me that they would re-print when they got 2000 orders, which could never happen because they told anyone who asked that it was out of print and would not be reprinted. They denied this until I sent them Xerox copies of such replies to libraries, at which they told me it was a clerk’s error. In other words they lied to me but prevented me from regaining the publication rights by doing so. [Rights revert back to the copyright holder if the book is out of print, but not if the book is simply out of stock.]…Powerful influences in this country want me, or at least my work, suppressed.
A Book like No Other
If you decide to read Tragedy and Hope, the first thing you’re likely to notice is its size. At over thirteen hundred pages, approximately six hundred thousand words, and weighing in around five pounds, it’s safe to say that it wasn’t written for the casual reader. Nor was it written like a novel, bursting with scandalous and interesting conspiratorial tidbits on every page. Rather, as one would expect from an Ivy League historian, it is a long and often tedious read of which 95 percent consists of basic economic, political, and diplomatic history. However, within the other 5 percent, you’ll find some truly astonishing admissions about the existence, nature, and effectiveness of covert power.
In both Tragedy and Hope and The Anglo-American Establishment, Quigley reveals the existence of a secret network that formed to bring “all the habitable portions of the world” under its control.
I know of the operations of this network because I have studied it for twenty years and was permitted for two years, in the early 1960’s, to examine its papers and secret records. I have no aversion to it or to most of its aims and have, for much of my life, been close to it and to many of its instruments. I have objected, both in the past and recently, to a few of its policies…but in general my chief difference of opinion is that it wishes to remain unknown, and I believe its role in history is significant enough to be known.
Quigley informs us that this wealthy “Anglophile network” cooperates with any group that can help it achieve its goal. (This includes Communists, which, on the surface, would seem to be the sworn enemy of super-wealthy capitalist conspirators.) He chronicles how the Network formed in the late 1800s in England and immediately began creating front groups. By 1919, it had formed the Royal Institute of International Affairs (also known as Chatham House), and it went on to create other extremely powerful institutes within “the chief British dominions and in the United States.” Hiding behind these front groups, the Network began secretly exercising its power.
In the United States the main institute was named the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), which Quigley described as “a front for J. P. Morgan and company.” Before long, the Network expanded its operations; spreading like cancer into our universities, media, and especially government “foreign policy.”
On this basis, which was originally financial and goes back to George Peabody, there grew up in the twentieth century a power structure between London and New York which penetrated deeply into university life, the press, and the practice of foreign policy. In England, the center was the Round Table Group, while in the United States it was J. P. Morgan and Company or its local branches in Boston, Philadelphia, and Cleveland.
The American branch of this “English Establishment” exerted much of its influence through five American newspapers (The New York Times, New York Herald Tribune, Christian Science Monitor, the Washington Post, and the lamented Boston Evening Transcript). In fact, the editor of the Christian Science Monitor was the chief American correspondent (anonymously)…It might be mentioned that the existence of this Wall Street, Anglo-American axis is quite obvious once it is pointed out.
If the idea of powerful Wall Street insiders joining a secret foreign network to establish dominion over all “habitable portions of the world” and successfully penetrating “into university life, the press, and the practice of foreign policy” sounds like something you should have heard about, you’re right. But the secret to why you haven’t is contained in the story itself. (The successful “penetration” of universities, the press, and the government has proven quite useful to those who wish “to remain unknown.”)
Quigley retired from Georgetown in June, 1976, and died the following year.